This is an article reflection on a lecture held at the Ateneo de l'Eixample, the controversial title, it will about a year (sorry hookup now that I understand may be a little out of context after so long but I still found it interesting). I remember when this story was posted on Indymedia Barcelona (*)... provoked a series of hysterical reactions of curious sea in my opinion based on the resulting generalizations of people who may have had a problem with people identified with the counterculture (of which do not exclude myself) without knowing the abstract leading to widespread visceral any negative experiences that anyone could live in phenomena that are complex and, therefore, a complex apprehension.
Moreover, I must also say that the other end was not for free sometimes in chat as part of the audience was, in my opinion, extremely idealistic about likely say "revolutionary" of these groups among which do not exclude, at times even the same speaker humbly recognizing that while their knowledge is more contextual, too, seemed mostly to the case of United States.
Well, nothing else, leave this text here attended one for those who want to read it.
On Friday 11 June 2010 a conference was held at the social center of Barcelona "Eixample Ateneo Popular" with the suggestive title "Latin Kings, Latin Queens: Social Movement and Banda Criminal? "By the American criminologist David Brotherton and organized by the groups' phone roig: creative and popular library (library project / editorial) and" Endavant "(organization of the extreme Catalan independence left). I have that suggestion because the title suggests the possibility of a meaningful analytical paradigm shift to focus on this social phenomenon in recent years has received no significant media attention, sometimes free of distortions stigmatizing. David Brotherton part of the idea that "Latin Kings / Queen" is actually a movement transnational social so it would fit into a new cross-border activity, characterized by processes that produce a break reterritorialization nation-state as a fundamental reference frame. In this sense, the speaker spoke of how the Latin Kings and Queens are global, but are deeply rooted in social class neighborhood of the crack epidemic in the 80's when they emerged "bands" (in the language of the media) who defined themselves as "nations" with the following characteristics that differentiate them from other neighborhood youth added earlier: language more politicized, more community awareness, better organization, greater participation of women, rejection of territorialism and desegregation of "American Gulag" (as defined Brotherton). According to David Brotherton although the rate of annual homicides in the city was high, about 1500, there was no significant causality of this phenomenon in New York because there was not exactly a gang war unlike Chicago or LA These "nations" were organized rules for recovering the corners paramilitary drug traffickers, which seems to contradict somewhat the idea of \u200b\u200b"rejection of territorialism" raised before but I think you have to understand as a process of re-territorialization, that is, to give new meanings significant fixed territorial fluids (as noted by the British geographer Doreen Massey to overcome "essential opposition" between "space", more generally, fluid, and the "place" as more direct and fixed).
was also interesting Brotherton appreciation that it was to recover a "social order" in which they had been socialized parents of these kids but they with the collapse of the Keynesian state not they lived still being educated, through family, community values, they are trying to reconfigure a new and different situation. David Brotherton is located within the "cultural criminology" and critiques of the reverse flow "positive or orthodox criminology" that defines these groups as follows: a) young people are perceived by others as a distinct group within its neighborhood b) recognize themselves as a significant group, almost invariably with a group name c) have been involved in a sufficient number of criminal incidents to provoke a negative response from neighborhood residents and / or law enforcement . The speaker absolutely rejects this definition and proposes another "is a group formed spontaneously in their origins and then integrated through conflict, the result is the development of a disorganized internal structure but corporation spirit, moral solidarity, group consciousness and attachment to a local territory "which draw them closer to new ways of organizing social movements network. Another example of a highly politicized origin of these groups gave Brotherton in the genesis of the 'Net Nation "since it was founded by Carlos Torres, a member of the Socialist Party National Puerto Rican, in fact the net greeting (two fingers crossed in a circle motion) means "the strong protect the weak" and "part of the people" and immediately below the fingers symbolize the "bugs" (collaborators of the "jailers "). It was an organization of prisoners for self-defense of prison officials. On the other hand, "King Blad, a Cuban immigrant in the U.S. (" boat people "), is the founder of the" Nation of the Almighty Latin King and Queen. "
We will present the main ideas of "cultural criminology" as described by the speaker whose analogies with theories of social movements are evident: a) adrenaline (against the dogma of rationalism, a criminology of emotions), b) the "soft city" (the quarters peripherals such as spaces away from the dominant social control in the city of architects, officials and urban planners), c) the policies of the resistance (cognitive liberation, the nation imagined, symbols that reflect the asymmetric power, the fight against neocolonialism), d) the "dangerous knowledge" (the "secret organization," the story the forgotten, vengeful acts of the state, narratives of the marginalized, the rejection of academics). It is clear that this analytical turn closely matches the postcolonial thought so there is a critique of Cartesian rationalism strict paradigm that hides the subjective emotions and peripheral narratives of African descent, mestizos, Indians etc., That these groups recover and adapt to current contexts.
Finally David Brotherton refers to the implementation of public policies regarding "Nations" in different contexts: on September 14, 2006 legalized in Catalunya integrated into the Federation of Latin American in Geneva on 21 September 2006 are certified by the Social Solidarity Minister Romano Prodi and Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic) work in public campaigns against AIDS and Dengue in the Guachupita neighborhoods and Cristo Rey. Brotherton said the state is working with them because the local population receives more sympathy to be a strong civil alienation from the state exemplified by the rejection of the implementation of public policies with officials.
Conclusions: Are they really the "Latin Kings / Queens" or other "nations" social movements?
Over Brotherton exposure generally defended the social movement character of these groups but it was made clear that the phenomenon is of some complexity and degree of politicization (American criminologist has also worked with groups Mexicans who did not see an undercurrent of social criticism or political). His presentation was designed to show the origins of social criticism of these groups and the identification of certain social problems they (drugs, prison, corrupt politicians etc.) also noted (when asked by an attendee about authoritarianism, sexism etc. which are of these groups) do not live in an ideal reality and we must deal with these contradictions (and noted a process of intra-organizational empowerment of the "Latin Queens" with the development of a manifest itself etc.). What can be said from the theory of social movements? Traditionally been defined as groups of individuals who have an affinity socio-political and aimed at social change with an emphasis on informal organization, spontaneous or cyclical nature and the fact that prioritize certain claims demands become in agglutinating discontent, depending on the approach used.
One of the most influential Latin American theorists was to the New Social Movements (NMS), characterized by: a) the construction of a theoretical model centered on culture b) denial of Marxism as a field theory capable of explaining collective action in contemporary society c) the emergence of a new collective subject diffuse, non-hierarchical, anti-discrimination in access to goods harmful modernity, which opposes a dunk in action Community solidarity values \u200b\u200bd) a centrality and redefining politics understood as part of life and social practices, representing a plurality of trends, ideas and values \u200b\u200be) analysis of social movements mainly from the perspective of collective action and collective identity created in the process.
thus can be designated as the focus of David Brotherton of "cultural criminology" is pretty close to the point a) and points out the shortcomings of Marxism by emphasizing attribution processes similar identity point c), also made references to the struggle for communal sense of the "Nations in New York. The themes concerning the reappropriation of the community areas in the city ("soft city"), the recovery of silenced narratives ("dangerous knowledge") or contradictions and possibilities offered by collaboration with public administrations have been widely discussed among scholars Latin American social movements, establishing linkages analytical approaches from another discipline Brotherton though .. To this end we will try to implement some parts of the scheme Antonio Rivas, who studied the mm.ss from the perspective of "framing processes" indebted to Goffman and prioritizes the cultural aspects, such politicized expressions reported by Brotherton.
Rivas divides his analysis on the "dimensions of framing" and "framing strategies." The first of these dimensions would be "to indicate a matter of public debate" (in this sense we have seen the withdrawal of the drug problems, abuse in prisons, the AIDS epidemic or Dengue etc.) Whose similar strategies would be the "allocation of slogans" or "realization in everyday experience" (Brotherton was in this sense of artistic expression used as propaganda to accomplish this function). The second dimension would be the "causal attribution" (the drug mafias, social and political injustice of colonial status of Puerto Rico, disinformation and lack of government) with similar strategies of "personalization of the responsible actors (names drug, the U.S. government etc.) and "consideration of non-legitimate agents of communication (on this point we have the statements of King Torre, founder of the Latin Kings in New York, de-legitimizing the politicians to the community) .
The third dimension would be the "framing of objectives" (back our streets / neighborhoods, independence and socialism in Puerto Rico, an area free of epidemics) with similar strategies of "concrete showing the benefits for those affected" (a neighborhood for people, greater social justice and political independence, greater prosperity and health) and "load of values \u200b\u200brelated to higher values" (like the fact cite the U.S. Constitution). The fourth and final would be the "self-legitimation of social movements" (we are the voice of youth in the community, the vanguard of the people of Puerto Rico or the benefactors of neighborhood etc.) with similar strategies to "show that is universal shared values \u200b\u200b(social justice, not discrimination, etc..) or the" recruitment of institutions and persons worthy of confidence "(in this sense, apart from government, Brotherton it working with them as an academic is one of its sources of legitimacy). So I think we can say that certain expressions of the "nations" with advanced processes of politicization can be considered social movements Brotherton said.
Alma Stateless ; ------------------------
(*) http://barcelona.indymedia.org/newswire/display/396271/index.php
[1] As to (c) you have to comment on several things: Brotherton referred to the recovery narratives "silenced" the "Nations" teach its members, in this sense, transnationalism of these groups produces a new construction of identity experienced as "national consciousness" (Brotherton gave the example of young people born in New York Puerto Rican family because that the colonial status of the island leads to build their independence outside its geographical boundaries.) Also referred to the use of the ambivalences of American national imaginary noting that "King Torre, founder of the Latin Kings in New York, wrote a manifesto against political and Afro-Latino who" sold their communities " to assert that his group wants to build a project "for the people, the people, by the people" phrase taken out of the U.S. Constitution.
[2] CAIRO, HERIBERTO, Bringel, BRENO Item 1. Theories collective action and social movements in Latin America, Social Movements and Social Policy in Latin America, Latin America Contemporary Studies (ECAL). Page 7.
[3] RIVAS, ANTONIO Marcos Analysis: A methodology for the analysis of social movements Editorial (?) Year (?) Page 209.
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