Outsourcing the Islands' economy will be institutionalized with the Royal Free Ports Act 1852. It is particularly interesting to note that it was not until the autarkic period of Franco's dictatorship is not a movement in the opposite: it removes the decree promoting an entente between the banana agro-exporting bourgeoisie and the elite of the regime, aimed at bringing production State market with the creation of the Export Control Board of Bananas (CREP) and started an economic policy import substitution which will result in the emergence of a multiplicity of semi-artisanal and small industries oriented to domestic consumption Ricardo A. Guerra Palmero, canary expert historian in the period, defined as "industrial smallholding." This will start some conflict between the bourgeoisie and the commercial-sector importing more protective of the bureaucracy Franco, represented by Falangists in contrast to the laissez-faire attitude of the military, which would add agricultural exporters once the war ends in Europe and plantain happens to be considered "fruit dessert" in the national market, culminating with victory of free trade in the Economic and Fiscal Regime 1972.
What we are interested specifically in this period is the result that exemplifies the brief term of office of civil governor Luis Rosón Tenerife's Falange, whose anti-British slogans and for industrialization Islands led to his dismissal the month of his inauguration helping to strengthen the bourgeois banner of the "canary differential economic thought", consisting of claiming the indissoluble union between free trade and canariedad. This continues, with several nuances to this days and has influenced the model of integration in the EEC, recognition as a region remote region of the EU Objective 1, the specific supply arrangements, the investment reserve the Canary Islands or the Canary Islands Special Zone. In this connection one can say that the mass tourism model implemented in the islands from the sixties playing the same conditions of external economic dependence since it involves an updating of the old liberal dogma of "comparative advantage" this time in the context of greater integration into a national market. The progressive exhaustion, increasingly evident, this model is looking back towards the neighboring continent in terms of economic opportunities for entrepreneurship island but also evidence unfavorable starting point for the weakness of the business. Moreover social movements have reported the decrease of agricultural land to the tourism industry that strengthens food dependence legitimized by a differential tax system that rewards the import. [3]
Manuel German and the Culture of the Expropriation "
According to
social psychologist canary this is an intrinsic part of the symbolic construction of the canariedad and translated into four discrete areas which highlight three: sociological, psychological and behavioral. "Expropriation sociological" understood as "dispossession" originating in the commons in the interests of individuals who produced "deep wounds in the psyche of the people" [4] for the aborigines, who maintained a worldview closely linked to the natural environment , suddenly found themselves alienated from this and tried and convicted for the use of animals and fruits. This phenomenon will mutate over history: the concentration land and water in the hands of small elite island, targeting almost the entire rural labor to international markets, financial control and so international tourism. According to this logic implies a German chain "generative" in which economics has created a social structure which in turn has spawned some rules of canary in a psychological dependency gear bottom-up: subservience of who feels inferior to the subject instituted as top, gear psychosocial transformed the canary in receptive-man sub. On the other hand, following the Freudian approach, there is a conversion under an "I-It" in which the individual projects to the other an intense process of objectification.
The "psychological expropriation" is defined as a phenomenon in which "something out of a person, is handled by someone outside it" [5], this process of appropriation, in the level of the property that the person produced but also in the deep areas of the personality (affective, critical thinking etc.) means a "double break" in the area of \u200b\u200banthropological schema and consciousness. In the first case the fracture was operated on three levels: that of self-projection, in the fuller being and praxis. But it is in the area of consciousness where German Manuel believes that "expropriation operated the most acute psychological and transcendental expropriatory tactics [6] and this results in crystallization in the Canary man of a" dual consciousness ", ie his own and the expropriating. Germany believes that this phenomenon leads to a "dysfunction" in the consciousness characterized by a threefold process of shifting one's consciousness, overlaying both identification and psychological patterns of the dominant consciousness.
As for the "expropriation behavioral" highlights three psychological phenomena: the mimicry, the ability of myth and the man's silence Islands. The first would be determined by the same construction of Canary "from outside" configured with all the features of a "transnational corporation", this leads to the Canary man, not having in itself the "central axis" of its constitution , to tip outward in search of stability and balance. Germany considers the mimetic attitude as a phenomenon of "childhood psychological" in which the fear of overrated "father" (Castilla-Europe) will drive him to imitate to avoid their anger threatening. In Related to this, there is an overcapacity of the canary mythologizing understood as a moment of fantasy and disruptive emotionality in the process of comprehensive approach to reality. Finally and for the silence may say that the "culture of expropriation" has for its necessary correlation Manuel German in a "culture of silence" because "the man by his word expresses precisely what has drawn up its mind" [7] and that "culture of expropriation" has made expendable because "his voice is a mere echo of the other voice" [8].
History of Venezuela Offset
In 1509 began the first permanent settlement in "Terra Firma", named for being the first non-island territory to be colonized. Pedrarias later through a "formal" reports to the natives of the papal grant of the "Indian" to the kings of Castilla and his new status as subjects, they granted titles of nobility accompanied the conquerors of the land grant of lordship indigenous inhabitants as vassals. This established a hierarchy of command that had the top followed by Governor King, the trustees, the doctrinaire religious and enslaved the native population. The first contingent of black slaves came to Venezuela in the hands of German bankers that arranged with Emperor Charles V to the introduction of freighter or locate gold mines. Performed in the planting of snuff, cocoa and cotton with their work sustaining the colonial agricultural export oriented toward the metropolis. The emancipation of Venezuela brought a formal political independence but not a real economic independence: the colonial elite did not change one iota the export status of the Venezuelan economy. Thus the primary export model in Venezuela will continue developed and relative stability during different presidencies meant Guzmán Blanco, from 1870 to 1887, coffee exports reached the highest volume in the national economic history, this being a great period of modernization, development and change. The developing crisis of this model, due to the emergence of large competitors such as Brazil and Colombia, will destabilize the government of Ignacio Andrade (1898-1899) and the triumph of a revolutionary movement led by Cipriano Castro Andean caudillo try certain national measures to limit foreign investment or discontinue the payment of external debt. This last measure will lead to a naval blockade part of the European powers and the U.S. intervention under the Monroe Doctrine. "
The Gómez regime (1908-1935), starting with the "National Rehabilitation by pushing Castro from power with remarkable support of foreign capital, transform Venezuela into a nation-state with oil base equal basis in the foreign market moving permanently to the cafe to be exploited and in very rudimentary. This government is well aligned with the interests of U.S. energy supply and this means abundant, cheap and safe. On the death of General begins a period in the country known as the "Evolutionary Democracy" or "no Gómez gomecism" (1936-1945) with the military presidency of López Contreras and Medina Angarita, the latter will promote the Hydrocarbons Law of 1943 which increases the tax burden international oil companies while taking the first steps to create a domestic industry, but the Acciondemocratista Triennium (1945-1948) who succeeded him after a military coup, will reverse this law and replaced with a system that favors increased short-term gains tax system development. In turn this government was overthrown and established a military junta (1948-1958) will mean a return to economic liberalism over previous governments but also give the first steps to create a cartel of owners to counter the power of the cartel of tenants.
We especially like the fact that during the period immediately following known as the "Democracy of Punto Fijo" (1958-1999) will consolidate a model of industrialization, through the import substitution, based on the oil boom that was the joint action of owning nations in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The downfall of this model for the development of alternative energy strategies of the tenants will lead to a fall in oil prices and a division within OPEC between "deficit" (supporters of continuing price control) and surplus ( advocate increasing export volumes) in which Venezuela will end up preferring the latter. The second presidency of Carlos Andrés Pérez (1989-1993) just give the coup de grace to this model with the neoliberal measures known as "The Paquetazo" that provoked the political crisis that eventually lead to the so-called "Bolivarian Revolution" and the presidency of Hugo Rafael Chavez Frias (1999 -?) whose government, supported by a new rise in oil prices in international trade, has implemented a plurality of social programs and tried to diversify the economy but for now this very clear the success of this strategy, especially after a recent currency devaluation. [9]
Maritza Montero, "Lack of Power" and the "Focus of External Control"
According to the Venezuelan social psychologist such concepts are defining the symbolic construction of "Venezuela." Following authors such as Escobar and Geyer uses a concept of power on "the real domain or expected on the environment" [10] or "the ability to control the number or effectiveness of the alternatives that provide someone to act or react [11 ]. Montero is aligned with the idea of \u200b\u200bGeyer when distinguishing the origin of this "gap" in a double phenomenon: the coming of the medium, the "negative response" from East to any attempt at change are felt the same way that can not be considered avoided by transforming it, and that comes from the individual, understood as the inability to test reality. We find, then, to a "psychology of impotence" which places emphasis Montero to prior learning processes and which can trace their causes in his second term. The notion of "Focus of External Control" was constructed from several experimental results of the psychologist Julian Rotter in 1966, referring to the reaction to an event that is not perceived by the individual as the reward resulting from its own merits (Focus Internal Control), but as a product of the control of other powerful individuals, chance, luck, supernatural forces or complex and unpredictable.
turn puts Maritza Montero-frames defining the two concepts as a reflection of the "colonial ideology, theoretical notion arising from the work of SH Alatas in 1979 in Indonesia, Malaysia and Philippines which he denounces the stereotype of "lazy Indian" built by the settlers and inflicted the original inhabitants of these countries and which the fundamental idea is to consider the latter as unable to govern because of their separate economic base and oriented to subsistence is seen as a symptom character "lacking" in their societies. This constructs an ideology which intensifies the negative characteristics [12] of the colonized population while minimizing the positive, a process that leads, according to Montero, a "national image distorted." For the Venezuelan case such "negative aspects" consist of the following series of stereotypes that are often associated with the "racial composition" of the people giving certain characteristics to the triad Indian-African-European:
1) "Laziness leads to incompetence: a report of the Capuchins, 1745, relates it to the Indian heritage 2)" passive " has been associated either with the Black, with laziness heir to the colony with the "madness" introduced by the lower layers and the "impoverished younger sons" of Spain and finally to the state of depression suffered by the African slaves and indigenous by the operating system. 3) "authoritarianism" in the passive aspect of this (submission) was related to poor governance and corruption, with the traditional caudillo politics and divisive trends and antagonists of the tribal organization, in both passive and active aspect ( submission, despotism) to the intrinsic aggressiveness of the black racial heritage whose forms india social organization achieved were considered "lawless" and "tyrannical" respectively.
4) "Violence": the stereotype keeps enough relationship with the former and has been linked to unrest, instability and impulsiveness as well as the "liveliness" defined as "superficial wit" . 5) "pessimism" has been associated mainly with the "external locus of control" mentioned above but also to the geographical and racial composition, finally the "absence of historical sense" (6) has been related to the "youth" of the nation that leads to a lack of "social memory" and tend to prioritize the "base instincts" to nation-building. This series of contradictory stereotypes, regarding the attribution of its causes, on the Venezuelan are the result of changes in the historical consciousness of it Maritza Montero classified into three periods: the seudopositivo (1890-1900), the explicitly negative (1901 -1935) and the negative implication (1936-1982) coinciding respectively with the modernization drive and exciting government Guzmán Blanco and the subsequent yellow liberalism, awareness of its failure during the autocracy gomecista and social modernization drive and its aftermath.
The imposition of "internal other" Europe on both sides: a comparison of German and Montero thinking through the de-colonial thinking.
The brief historical formation process of both companies allows us to affirm a common dynamic that begins with the military conquest in the XV and XVI century under the swords of Alonso Fernandez de Lugo and Pedrarias respectively. Similarly imposed a colonial system of exploitation with a new institutional and religious paradigm that is based on an economy of export-oriented monoculture (sugar and cocoa Venezuelan canary initially) with the use of indigenous labor and slave. Yet it should be noted that due to the different roles given to both geopolitical colonial possessions as well as factors related to geographical conditions and population pressure that differentiate the two companies, only undergo a migratory movement Canary Islands to Venezuela from the XVI century, being reciprocated by the other party well into the twentieth century [13]. On the other hand while not access Canary independence in the mid nineteenth century, although there was some movement in this sense, the institutionalization of free ports in 1852 can be considered as an act of true "economic independence" with respect to the metropolis, which will place the elites canary in a similar situation with the Venezuelan a change of dependency on international markets.
Both the Canary Islands and Venezuela experienced with import substitution industrialization with outstanding differences as in the first case occurred during Franco's Falange impulse, being defeated by the bourgeoisie free trade, and second developed in its heyday in the fifties being defeated by an adverse international scenario from the seventies and for the same internal contradictions of the project. In both cases, even with the difficulties of comparing the peripheral region of an EU state which has about 2,200,000 inhabitants and an independent Latin American nation-state of about 26,000,000, has led to the historic defeat of development projects endogenous to the economy and a re-enactment of free trade with the expansion of tourism and the "oil opening" respectively. This model has only been questioned again in Venezuela while Canary uncertainty debate the exhaustion of its economic model and the low weight of the alternatives proposed.
At the symbolic level, the conquest of the mainland meant that both sides regarded as a projective possibility of its social model but with a subordinate role. I believe that both the Canary Islands and Venezuela are an "internal other" of Europe culturally constructed as a "peripheral Westernness." Hence it has found numerous similarities between critical social psychology [14] on both sides and those with so-called de-colonial thinking, of which these seem most relevant: a) the notion of German Canaries as "receptive" submissive "by a process of socio-geographical expropriation and construction of the stereotype of Venezuela as" passive ", which historically have tried to relate to ethnicity but Maritza related to the" gap "domain on the environment, b) the definition of this process as "hurtful" as in "deep wounds in the psyche of the people" in German as the notion of "colonial wound" by Walter D. Mignolo c) the similarity between the notion of "dual consciousness" of German, the dialectic between "internal locus of control" and "external" Montero and the concept of "double consciousness" of the sociologist and black intellectual WEB Du Bois, cited by Mignolo, in which the dominated dominator is defined with respect to undervalued, resulting in a bipolar disorder of consciousness [15] d) the Freudian notion of fear of his father Castilla-Europe using German to explain the tendency to imitate the canary with the stereotype of the authoritarian person (submission) to Maritza Montero attributed to the "colonial ideology" E) "canary mythologizing overcapacity "Mediation as a process of imagination and emotion in bringing to reality and the construction of the stereotype of the Venezuelan and "Absence of historical sense" that was associated with a hegemonic tendency to satisfy the "base instincts" as Montero.
Although theoretically the fundamental connection that occurs between the two authors and de-colonial thinking could be in the position of the current heterodox Freudo-Marxism and critical forms of social control of scientific knowledge of the latter. Herbert Marcuse exploration of how capitalist society has fetishized consciousness involved in moving the class struggle to the most intimate level of the psyche in a search total release of the body opposed to the abstract of the Cartesian rationalist (Man Unidimesional, 1964). This position certainly relates to the claim that Mignolo "colonial wound is a wound" to the surface [16] due to the highly racialized character of colonial power relations and the post-independence national imaginary, where we have seen, through classification of stereotypes Venezuelan Montero, the close historical association of positive science with racist theories. Alonso Quijano also reminds us against Eurocentric materialist reductionism that power and space / mesh of social relations is structured in different areas that transcend the work and products and expanding the nature and its resources (recall the criticism of lack of control over the means of German and Montero) to sexuality (linking to the criticism of Marcuse), knowledge and the means of coercion [17]. This coincidence between the two approaches is supported by the same Mignolo's assertion that-colonial critical theory is complementary to the theoretical development of the Frankfurt School, which exerts a considerable influence on Freudo-Marxism of Marcuse.
But at the same time Walter D. Mignolo, in another of his texts, according to a radical epistemological difference between post-colonial thought, heir to the school, and thought-colonial, because this does not base his criticism of intellectuals working in the Western post-structuralist (Foucault, Lacan Derrida) but "to independence from the tyranny of time as a categorical framework of modernity" [18] is based on the languages \u200b\u200band indigenous and slave memories (Waman Puma, Cugoano). Moreover, the main difference with what I perceive as Freudo-Marxism, the thought of German and Maritza Montero Manuel regarding the de-coloniality is that his theoretical elaborations are in the intellectual parameters of the sixties without approaching the post-colonialism, much less to the de-coloniality. Thus, despite the criticism made to the historical conditions of domination on both sides, do not seem to question their analogous symbolic constructions "canariedad" and "Venezuela" as a coherent and viable, ie and recovering an old concept " dialectical materialism, would understand that these buildings contain contradictions in themselves but are "non confrontational" because "canariedad" and "Venezuela" dud into pieces to hold them in his bosom. Thus the emancipation of Manuel German proposal would be based on the triad-release release-awareness where traditions "fog" (hidden) control of the Canarian people, understood as "potentially aggressive" emerge as a force projective decolonization movement of clear resonances national-popular.
On the Venezuelan side, Maritza Montero's work does not seem to realize any emancipatory proposal beyond adherence to the "critical current" Career Women who defends reaction against nihilism that leads to the construction of a new identity consistent with the profound social changes of recent decades. Emancipatory perspective Walter D. Mignolo and Anibal Quijano understand these contradictions if they would be antagonistic but not lead to a scenario of confrontation, but the "paradigm of coexistence", taken from the Jamaican intellectual Sylvia Winter, where different symbolic constructions of Afro-descendants, indigenous and Creole convivirían resulting in a fruitful intercultural dialogue in symmetrical conditions. Thus, for example, can be interpreted from this approach industrial development models substitutes imports were not really self-centered as claimed no indigenous community economic models being prisoners of the same developmental Euro-centric idea [19]. However, although Mignolo refers to the "double critical" Waman Puma de Ayala, held equally Incas and Spaniards in their "New Chronicle and Good Government" of 1616 to Philip III, his proposal for a "government virtuous in our opinion lacks the depth to start an emancipatory project that does not fall into the extremes of Eurocentrism and multiculturalism.
