Cerro-Teja Column: Sociology of a Social Movement Introduction: This is a work of social protest initiatives during the current date of May's longest-running in Montevideo and the only one still doing the walking from the neighborhoods peripheral to the center of the city. The first part is an interview conducted on Thursday, February 24, 2011 about four-thirty in the afternoon and half an hour in the premises of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) annexed to the Graphic Arts Cooperative " Aragon is located in Calle Magallanes 1766 (a few blocks below the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Republic) Juan Pilo, social activist and libertarian Teja neighborhood involved in the preparations Column organized every year and involve a number of social organizations and unions of both neighborhoods Montevideo.
The second part is an analysis of responses through various theories of social movements argue about various aspects like the role of pre-existing social networks, resources, influence political situation etc., and on the alleged "new" of certain social movements that emerged in the sixties and the issues attached to materialism and / or post-materialism, defending "life forms" as opposed to teleological visions of social change etc. Management hypothesis that the fit between the two sources of information will be difficult because of skepticism that I generate some of these theories if it is true that there is no approximation to reality without theory and in this sense, the questions are based on previous reading the texts of these authors.
Part One: Interview with Juan Pilo
1) Could you briefly explain Column is Cerro-Tile?
"Eh ... well ... The Cerro-tile column is part of what historically Uruguay columns known as the First of May arrived, columns of workers ... This column has a feature that has been maintained over time, which is a pillar of western workers walking next May Day. That tradition is located, to be brief, almost a century earlier, when people ideologically might fall within the Garibaldi that came from the top with bells and drums and did a ceremony at the Plaza Raúl Sendic, the former Plaza Lafone and from then on make a tradition of protest coming to the center of Montevideo to the act of May, the first CNT, PIT-CNT after the dictatorship.
But it has also been through that column, a protest would almost tell you important workers in the refrigerator, which had an enormous amount of cold in the west, especially where Teja and Cerro was, well, the Fridge Swift, National Fridge, a large refrigerator, and then the Fridge Fridge Castro Artigas and the Teja subsidiaries and ... well ... right? Tripe etc., Etc. These refrigerators made a huge amount of protests linked mainly to periods where the ability to work down there, there's not forget that the work was ... I drank every day, do not made no contract or six months or a year, did The row came the chief of staff, in the early century were English and they took people a little depending on their behavior right?
Generally people protesting or part of the trade unions was very little work had access to what, but at a time when the slaughter was very great majority of working people. I can not Teja said that Hill and have been created from the cold but if it was created from "The Charque" which was a large and airy place where it was not yet the subject of refrigeration and on that basis was salted meat large deposits were opened up and they had shingles so some authors Teja up the area as a function of the tiles that were on the licks of a man named Samuel Lafon, who was English, and that was the one that begins with that task linked to the slaughter of meat.
is, the biggest marches of being very young I remember were those of the Federation Meat, I can assure you that more than two hours passing people, carried out pulling a mortar bombs, rockets pulling, because there came the Federation of Meat and once that started with the closing of the refrigerator also left no in times of Primero de Mayo, but in the past, the drovers once they got inside the Legislative Palace, in the government of Luis Batlle Berres, by the end of the cold, by job cuts. That's a little history of the march and why to this day it continues to maintain that structure of walking and good claims, but also claims protest not only at the area but Latin American and global level.
is, the march is a huge contingent of neighbors but also the social organizations and unions that are organizing the march. In other words, have been combative working class areas of English immigrants and in the case of Cerro Yugoslavs, Poles ... looked around the mid-thirty girls very pretty and very blonde who came from the European zone I guess fleeing famine which at that time should have, and looking good, looking for America, trying to have the possibility of a job, the possibility of a house and the possibility of forming a family. So the streets Cerro has many names including: Austria, Belgium, Poland ... a little tribute to all this number of workers who came to work there in the area, in what might be called the west, Cerro and Teja. So the story, why is closely linked to the protest of the working class in that area. "
2) What organizations, groups involved in the column?
"Then I'm going to go a little bit to year 83 which is the first march, 1983 the output of the dictatorship, there is a discussion policy that if the column is intersocial or party, if you also join political parties ... and it was a very special moment in the country at least the labor and social organizations are closely linked class independence, therefore political parties was difficult they entered, gave a tough fight to join here because of course we could be attributed not only the Colorado and Blanco parties but the Broad Front as a party over social roots where you be interested in these activities, well, are carried out in neighborhoods where they have a significant flow of votes.
In 83 is done in first gear, it becomes a part of the street and another on the sidewalk, was still the fear of the dictatorship, this would be a separate chapter, here the dictatorship imposed a great terror in the people, by the detention torture , inability to work if you were considered leftist or "red" as a call during the Franco regime, where people are afraid to get together three or four people in a corner because it was ... well ... coming raids which took people. Then the 83 is the first gear and the main slogan was "freedom for the prisoners to fight", that is, freedom for prisoners and Uruguay without exception right? A Uruguay where good a return of democracy and freedom right? That march was a march of the largest I've seen where it was held between the Hill and Teja, the two neighborhoods that organize the march, where meetings are made on the tile or on the Hill.
What people participate in the march? Well, at the time of the meetings are specifically Column unions of the two areas, which also had added people of New Paris, people of Villa Colon, which is like the march, the column has somehow broken the regional and people come from other places that are incorporated in the column on its way, that is, do not forget that we del Cerro, but we went through the tile, then go through Step Belvedere Mill and then passed by Prado, then pass by Capurro, then go through Bella Vista, do not know how there are neighborhoods that are in the path of the column that join the meeting. Basically, social and union organizations on the Hill have been, well, people peer Meat, other unions such as the unions of the Cooperative Mutual Aid ... "
... ...
FUCVAM
"FUCVAM exactly, then the Hill Dining, Dining and Ateneo del Cerro, and University Dining de la Teja, ANCAP Federation, COBITEA which is a Housing Cooperative-Teja ANCAP, well there were also institutions such as "La Cumparsita" which is a football table also joined the activity, the union that is a factory BAO area, RECIPLAS, then the University of Columbus, community radio stations like Radio de la Villa, co-Germinal. So as there is a conglomerate of people and people coming in their personal capacity who join because well you are interested in the proposition, you want to get out that May Day march toward what would be the central act of the PIT-CNT. "
3) What has been the evolution of the column in terms of participation? Have you had moments of more or less booming?
"As I told you I remember as a child, now I'll meet 54, a huge marches that were linked to the Federation of Meat workers plus all right? An enormous amount of people and then the oscillations have been a little under what happens at the country level, in terms of national politics, high and low memory and a bit on that basis, imagine the following May Day the loss of the "green vote" was the possibility that through elections to prosecute and punish those who had been under the dictatorship, had participated in torture and the violation of human rights, that is, there have been lows and there have been high ...
now generally are four to five blocks of people without political flags because normally arises that those with political banners go to the end of the march because it is a march of social organizations and unions. It is also good to say that more than one occasion the march has been a major conglomerate that has nourished people mainly the act of PIT-CNT, we have in some cases where there was little people in the act and the column has been the majority right? I mean, respecting the opinions they think the column bears a very class independence, deeply rooted within the column and also the basic fact is that it raises two acts is a tribute to the activists of the Federation Meat that went on hunger strike there are five dead, a major strike in the forties, then there is a plaza at the entrance of Cerro called "Martyrs of the Meat Processing Industry" where we stop and read a good there claims which not only touched the historical fact occurred but also give a draft policy position that is done at of the column where people ask you things you want to be and that is discussed and some are good and others are not.
After a stop is also important in the Plaza de los Desaparecidos de la Teja where he also read a proclamation, is a very important because there are many missing in the area linked to the labor movement and revolutionary Column and then there is a profile say that the PIT-CNT does not say or that we would like to say but does not say or things that for certain reasons the National Workers Convention does not and we do. That's a little independence we have and we feel, well, horizontally articulated very good column and the comrades who go there have the right to participate in four or five meetings are carried out during that month, month and a half preparation say in terms of propaganda, in terms of performing certain tasks that are linked to the output of the column since ... well ... parades, Safety Column, because we also come to the Primero de Mayo, in terms of reach and give our view on the way and lobby politicians on carrying out policies and social union. "
4) Tell me what are the short-, medium-and long-term column. What goals you have, you claim ...
"If the column is given to the output of the dictatorship, as I was saying, it has that element of resistance to protest right? Those are questions, would like a declaration of principles right? The alternative of creating a society that is a bit different in the logic of protest but also the alternative, that is, do not forget that both the Tile Hill as there have been alternatives such as the state has closed ... for example, the Artigas was a fridge that shut down and workers together with social organizations as they walked, with self, I remember a material that said "Socialism without dictatorship, we can grow without Capitalism", that is why you see clearly the progress on the participation of who not only wants Parliament and what is defined policies that may be nationwide. How can it be if this country is working so well and is a marvel of economy and imports entering because there salary of 4000 dollars and 3000 dollars and because even today there are people who are not entitled to many of the things that already this point should have because they still fight the unions, because the partners are linked to domestic service are constantly fighting for a salary of 6000 pesos now ...
exploitation continues and therefore the more wealth there is more exploitation ... That is the base of the column, political discussion social and have alternatives when they are not, and the Pillar and the west with the workers at the head have been many policies of these and has had many alternatives that I can list many more related to food close in time " no? Because there are many examples that, suddenly, we could spend hours talking but not the fact, related, for example, Consumer cooperatives: buy food, good value and quantity and distribute it in the cooperative, things that are important to the economy of working families and that was greatly boosted in the Tile Hill and most recently in 2002, were created the other fundamental fact, the "relationship without money" where you go to a place where you redeem things a bit depending on what the other person has and what you have you, that worked in Tile Hill for a long time and people involved and there was no silver, no silver work as we know it.
I mean there are major proposals which have carried out and mark the column right? An extremely important point, not only during this period of the dictatorship but in the former, is the defense of human rights is based not only on what could be the cancellation of the "amnesty law" but the violations give day to day with people of the neighborhoods, especially poor people right? It's very interesting to listen to sometimes consider "National Guard" and elements linked to the joint socio-political, military and police in the neighborhoods where the solutions are not and prisons are full of color and poor people, especially right?. "
5) What is the social or class of motion? Is it basically working, popular ...?
"No, we have tried to have a balance in that the call for the column is wide, when it is to gather the column is an invitation that is distributed throughout the area, It is therefore evident that many times we have more classic labor movement would say with trade unions and social organizations in smaller numbers, but many times it is reversed, depending on how this situation and what walk each one but there are many times that the social part is very important in Column right? So much so that we always had argued that the column out to the May and had its reason for being at the birth in the May and finished the first of May and had no reason to be but a few few years ago we already passed the column does other activities that are part of labor and social activities at places of those who make up the column. I mean, in unions, cultural associations, housing cooperatives, it is a little history of May Day is not it? See some struggles of workers during the course of the century and which invites panelists and somehow good debate that fact, the fact of how to understand each union struggle. "
6) What role do they play in political minorities Column , party or ideological groups?
"I think the column has a significant weight, which some believe that there is always a game constantly, trying to make the column does not leave, or that the column does not have ... We are talking about column that is, look, come out des of 83, we are talking about a huge number of years and do not talk about above, the dictatorship back ... I mean, the column has a weight in this sense has a political orientation that brings together a diverse but important cluster of social organizations in which, well, politically it is felt, you belong to a social organization not means that you do not believe in politics, all the time we're doing. I believe that this weight has been, well, things like this: once wanted to change the act of the PIT-CNT to 10 in the morning and the column kept some talks on the issue with trade union activists who organized the act of PIT-CNT and this was reversed and re-do in the time that the act is done.
For example, subtle things but are part of a strategy that people do not come walking to the center, put bus in some parts of the west for people to come by bus and we consubstantiated with the fact people get older and there are people who need to come by bus and we have managed and have sought a way for colleagues with a truck or something are both willing to take some people who can not make it on foot and bring them des's May again to the area, but is much smaller and is something that is within the logic that could be part of a column with organizational characteristics we have. In other words, there was always a bid and a fundamental fact of considering that yes, there are those who say things to a point of view and do not respect that there are people who think differently. We may have a differential association guidance that may have others in the movement of association and not what we're trying to dismantle the unions or anything like it.
is, for something we have always gone to the PIT-CNT, rain or shine, we have to act because we are workers and also because we are part of guilds that are in the PIT-CNT.
7) How do you prepare specifically calls? Is it a more or less formal?
Look, we really the first thing we do is an invitation to the first meeting of the column because it already has, after so many years, has an archive of, well, the fellows who are part of Column, engaging and extending right? In other words, if there guilds, for example, the macro market had no idea that there guild and some friends told us that there was a trade union with few adherents because those supermarkets largely suppress any outbreak that might very organization be in defense of workers, but appeared in the Macro and then we have contact where, well, we invite people of Macro, especially as we tried to carry luggage, carry on Column those associations that are in conflict at that time right?
At the time it was the people fishing, people UNMRA the SUMCA, Drink or unions in conflict, they were occupying and we wore the claims related to the conflict in the union . Then he calls on that side and incorporated new calls of invitation to the first meeting, this is done that way. So we are talking At that meeting, the meeting is to begin evaluating the organizational aspects and above all, well, bear in mind that we have four or five meetings and have the part of the propaganda, the finance because there is no such body of any type, because we bond because we peer collaborations working with the column, and good part of propaganda, the security organization of the column so that nothing happens on the road, and generally good people who are nominated are partners, and would be responsible for preparing the draft of the proclamation to be read in the Hill and in the tile and what they will say we bring the car speaker as well.
That is a reality that is done and then turns to see, things are placed and take things as good any meeting that somehow works horizontally, then nobody has anything prepared, prepared from peer nominations that will accomplish this task.
8) Have there been cases of repression of the column? How have they faced?
Yeah, well, repression of the column have to frame it ideological right? ...
... I say ... because sometimes I have seen riot ...
Yes, the year this happened, we're talking about 2010, we came up with some frames because in 2009 we had put a fence and not passed up the column by Prized as a provocation by the Ministry of Interior and national authorities, since the Ministry of Interior does not work to the authorities, a provocation indeed regrettable, Daisy Tourne was the Minister of Interior where there might be been a major confrontation that we in some way with a lot of maturity because it is a place where workers are children and women, what we did was to derive a column blocks but still there was no fight and army guys on bikes that some people wanted to take the column and ... well ...
Column continued his march and reached the first May we learn that he had companions who had been arrested, had two companions, then we move to the Sectional 6th and beautiful practically stayed the entire period of time there until they were liberated companions, that is, all the people and the truck the column was besieging, to call in some way, the police station to release to colleagues who were there and good at half past six, seven released to the colleagues and we raised so far and continue to the neighborhoods. In other words, there has been this kind of repression and especially because the column in general, one of the slogans you have is not open on May Day because it is a day of fighting and a day to honor the Martyrs of Chicago colleagues, or that is, those who have tried to invalidate the May considering a holiday and making music and what not, that being left for another day because workers in the Tile Hill and we will not be never agree that the First May is a holiday but a day of fighting and a day of protest related to what occurred in 1886 which is the hanging of fellow militant anarchists in Chicago, that is, that is also a strong impact ... then there have been some problems with people who open this May Day because we believe that causing also believe that it can not sell anything type a May there that no one on the street, people are at home or going to the May, so these provocations have ended sometimes with some situations that would not be desirable but they are there .
9) Cerro-Teja Column in Spain is mainly known through such sites alasbarricadas.org libertarian and sometimes CGT, tell me a bit which is the ratio of the column with the libertarian movement "is an experience of" social anarchism "as the FOB Argentina or we could talk about another kind of experience?
Well I think the most important column is that the column is varied from the point of view where there are ideological, marching communists, anarchists, socialists and so on., Etc., That is, the imprint the labor movement and class independence also leads to the fact, well, that certain sectors coexist with an agreement that is not carrying party flags. Then, depending I suppose that each group or ideology will take a plan of action to the column but I think a little statement of principles is deeply rooted Column right? In other words, nothing will work vertically in the column and nothing is going to work either spontaneously because someone comes in the course of the column is going to set fire to the headquarters do not know why ... That is not true, that organ function and, well, if if there are ideologies that each puts his ideology when he speaks in English and carries forward but I say I think it's a huge experience in the financial year, horizontal and good if the libertarian movement has a mark very important in this plan.
Thank you for the interview. --------------------------
Part II: Analysis of responses
In This interview provides valuable information for reflection on the characteristics of social movements in general and Uruguay in particular. In the chronicle about the history of the neighborhoods of the tile and the Hill and its demonstrations around the claims in the meat packing industry we point out two interesting ideas: A reference to what the British sociologist Anthony Giddens has defined as "home" and referred to the importance of space as a configurator of interactions and social identities within their project to recover the importance of geography in sociological analysis.
Thus, in the third paragraph of the
first question, we see how John introduces us to the history of the Hill neighborhood and tell Teja as other information
(1) ; available were founded in 1834 as an independent town from the capital, intended to house the thousands of immigrants who came to Uruguay in the successive waves of migration that stop until the Fifties, its name originating "Cosmopolis" is very indicative of the purpose that motivated its founding. For its part, the tile was indeed founded in 1842 by English immigrant Samuel initiative Lafone with the original name of "Victory Village" where he built the establishment saladeril model called "The Charque" that we remember John, and cooperated with the Government Oribe during the Great War.
we see as the foundation of both towns took place in a turbulent period, the Cerro over the last year of the Presidency of Rivera and his assumption of the leadership military campaign and the tile already in full Great War which pitted the east by Manuel Oribe and other actors involved (part of the Argentine exiles, a cluster of international powers, Italian and English mercenaries volunteers and the other the revolutionaries Lavalleja and Confederate Army Argentina) (2) . A special mention deserves the fact that John mentioned that the first people marched on May 1st through the streets of the Tile Hill and early twentieth century were "Garibaldi" for those involved in the winning side of the Great War to be, could ie, the left wing of this camp for socialist ideas of Garibaldi. Could, then a deeper investigation and influenced the origins of Garibaldi in the Uruguayan labor movement, a goal that is beyond the scope of this paper.
The other interesting idea is related to what Mario Diani called the "impact of pre-existing relationship network" which states as a necessary precondition for collective action since the asymmetry between social movements and their opponents ("public" institutions or private) in the availability of resources is essential regards the conduct of "coordinated actions" and "joint campaign" that can not develop without a social or relational capital prior (3) . In this case this was forged, as we have seen, in the rich history of struggle of the Garibaldi first and the labor movement in the refrigerator represented by the Federation of Meat after undoubtedly were at the epicenter of the political socialization of these neighborhoods .
We have a tangible example of this in the testimony of workers and libertarian activist Juan Carlos Mechoso who remembers his adolescence, beyond the fifties, in a neighborhood such as La Teja where there was "a widespread feeling" antimilico "and" anticarnero " (...) In shops, in bars, in cafes, he entered a ram (which did not have worker strikes) retired people (...) there was a cultural element, perhaps coming ten decades of twenties and thirties, and was made flesh in much of the population. Actual values \u200b\u200bwere to be practiced, which had a daily basis in the social expression " (4) . It is clear that despite the suppression of twelve years of military dictatorship and the dismantling of popular sociability that changes in the economic system has imposed on the other processes that should not be considered independent, have not diminished at all this legacy while they may have weakened.
The second question , Juan exposes us precisely attempts to recover from this popular sociability in its political expression after turning military, which significantly hindered, as is the Pillar Cerro-Teja as we know it today. Here we can see how this initiative fits well in what Luther P. Gerlach defined as the basic structure of a social movement
(5) : a) segmentation, is composed of diverse groups that vary over time (Juan says irregular participation of a "conglomerate of people" different and that has tended to blur even in respect of space that led to the column with the participation of groups from other neighborhoods), b) Polycephalic about leadership without a single command structure and direction (it is interesting in this respect the findings of John on the unsuccessful attempts to lead and co-optation by political parties, especially the Broad Front) and c) lattice as a result of similar targeting and opponents (something is later, but that has to do with what he calls John "the proposition" that is intended as a contribution to the central act of union unit, the PIT-CNT).
The third question was motivated by the influence of macro-factors that Doug McAdam noted as influential in the evolution of movement: a serious improvement of the situation unfavorable to the opposition groups, and another appearance political crises and conflicts in which the movements take advantage of a weak position in the hegemony of the power bloc, the use of or absence of state repression as well as divisions within the ruling elite, the presence of interested parties gain support or the presence of influential allies. These interpretive categories based partly in the so-called theory of "political opportunity structure" of Eisinger are exposed in an ambiguous in the text Manuel Pérez Ledesma (6) and leave without solving the old dilemma is colloquially might be formulated in the question of whether true to say "the worse the better" for a social movement, that is, if an unfavorable political context favors their development or whether to focus on the permeability of his speech may have had on institutions in a favorable context even at the cost of demobilization, and especially if this permeability has influenced specific decisions or not etc.
In the case of Uruguay and Juan particular column shows us the case of participation after the so-called "green vote" (to repeal the "sunset law"), as we know this proposal was defeated by its counterpart The "Vote Yellow", the April 16, 1989, by a margin of 57% to 43%, that puts the huge marches of his youth organized by the Federation of Meat, two different political contexts would be talking about increase in labor disputes during the crisis of social integration of Neo-batllismo from the sixties and the last year of Government in July María Sanguinetti respectively. It should be noted then a new element is the "moral victory" that can generate the partial victories of the movement, and is offset by the losses, not to mention the strong tradition of institutional referenda have been in Uruguay for the most various issues (important were those who were on the privatization of public entities in the nineties) and the consensus in much of the Uruguayan society on its usefulness and legitimacy.
The fourth question has served a little to know what the proposals say "constructive" in Column Cerro-Teja often the "new" social movements that emerged in the sixties have been defined by his defense and practice of new forms of life and sociability, that is, to reject a teleological view of social change from today testing this "different society "that talks about John but then it is also true that this perspective really concerned new phenomena, as proposed by the European sociology of this period has been strongly criticized by stating that the" old "movements social positions were also similar. This is particularly true in the libertarian movement, probably because their positions immediately closer to an integral humanism and not so orthodox materialistic and teleological, which promoted various initiatives since its inception of its kind in Uruguay and in the neighborhoods of Cerro and La Teja in particular.
So John reminds us of the draft self Fridge Artigas and Consumer Cooperatives as important events in the neighborhood memory. We return to Juan Carlos Mechoso to contextualize these experiences, the veteran activist, in his book on the history of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) (7) , informs us of this proposed collectivization libertarian militants driven within Federation of Meat and managed, in its National Delegates Congress of January 20, 1958, a favorable, yet the renewal notes with regret "reform" process with the help of Oscar Arias (split with labor leader left) and Ferrari journalist writing in the newspaper Batlle "Action."
According Mechoso took the idea "the shell" for advocating a "cooperative labor-management." In the end, to the distortion of the project, with ideas such as including a directory of detached labor movement, the libertarian militants withdrew from the project. This example is important as are the strategies of cooptation and distortion resulting from the initiatives arising from social movements, it must be taken into account that nothing is the same thing that the project worker collectivism advocated by De Ferrari. As valuable points for the particular case of Uruguay, we are reminded Stolovich, Rodriguez and Bértola when in his analysis of agro-industrial capital in Uruguay say cooperativized
"Moreover," cooperative "does not mean" no capitalism. " These groups are typically based on capitalist exploitation of wage labor both the pre-industrial agrarian. " (8)
Stolovich
turn reminds us that in the national history in the development of cooperatives "have developed an important role in their political ties with the State" (9) ;, with this reflection is not surprising that De Ferrari so hard to defend the transformation of the proposal from the pages of "Action", organ of the populist political movement of President Luis Batlle Berres within the Colorado Party and that he had aupado in power against the current more conservative of the children of Batlle y Ordoñez gathered in the newspaper "The Day."
Another example of implementation of this "different society" is, as I said John, consumer cooperatives Mechoso neighborhood part in the fight against profiteering and speculation and that, influenced by the immediacy of anarchists, led to the creation of "defense agencies on a regular and direct self-management" (10) . When this veteran activist asked about other cooperative experiences points to the "failure" of collectivization project above the turn signal consistency (in the sense of not being "coopted" or enter into the logic of capitalism) that kept this second project throughout its development. Finally John says the legacy of these experiences in the project's current market exchange ("relationship without money") which began operating in the Cerro and La Teja in 2002.
The fifth question intended to argue with the ideas of some sociologists of social movements, Melucci, who affirm the centrality of the middle and what this author calls the "marginal affluent" (students and middle-class women) in the early stages of mobilization due to increased availability of resources and human capital (11) . We must flatly reject this approach, I understand, because apart from being part of the discredited, in many respects, the theory of the "new" social movements based on erroneous assumptions as to the human and relational capital is held exclusively the middle strata.
This is an old debate: Karl Marx had stated the centrality of the sectors "displaced" by the capitalist ruling class to the social emergence of the proletariat in the formation of revolutionary consciousness of the (The transition class "in itself" to class "for itself") and this argument would be developed in the extreme by Lenin who believed that the revolutionary consciousness was necessarily always "imported" Without this movement the proletariat could only develop organizational forms resistencialista or reformist in nature (such as Proudhon and mutualism French labor unionism Anglo reform of Trade Union). But this is by no means generalizable: It is true that there were important cases such as the massive incorporation of bourgeois intellectuals "displaced" to the German Social Democratic Party or the same bourgeois social formation of many Latin American revolutionary leaders in the sixties.
But it is also true that the role of the workers printers in the development of trade unionism and socialist parties in Europe and Latin America was significant since they have greater access to culture for the same membership working party, contrary to Lenin, from within the same Anglo-Saxon union tradition came the revolutionary tradition of the "Wobblies" (nickname of the union "Industrial Workers of the World") that had significant impact on the United States. In addition John is notes that the experience of the Cerro-tile column remains eminently popular and workers, both those which manifest themselves as their leaders, where the involvement of what we might call a middle class Montevideo is irrelevant as it has been in history of popular struggles in these areas, whose leaders have come out of self-education promoted by historical entities such as the Ateneo del Cerro.
The sixth question was made to consider the role and their relationship to political minorities Column to Alberto Melucci this paper may be founded on a "Leninist" or "luxemburguiano." The first would be based on the idea that engagement is the result of work by an active minority that draws an undifferentiated mass of individuals while the latter emphasizes the individual's spontaneous ability to mobilize collectively in situations of unrest, injustice etc (12) . It is clear that John focuses its response to the repressive character and demobilizing who have exercised some political groups outside of this experience while emphasizing the plural nature of the column ideologically. While it is not clear it seems to say that the weight of active political minorities is relevant but not decisive, so that also may learn other responses.
To Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald is important what they call "mobilizing structures" in the conception of a social movement that aims to keep over time must have some kind of formal structure
(13) , in what is the theory of the "mobilization of resources." The premise is not without reason, then, as noted by John in his response to the seventh question
, from the year 83 has crystallized some formalized organizational structure in various committees (finance, propaganda, security etc.) although this does not necessarily mean that there ejecutivizado or bureaucratic, as Robert Michels concluded pessimistically in his famous "iron law of oligarchy" of organizational processes in complex societies, as these authors note that the confrontation scenarios changing continually forces us to rethink the structure and that adopt a flexible nature, as when John reminds us, in this seventh response, the sensitivity of the column for inviting unions in conflict at the time as with the emerging trade union Macro in the market.
John tells us, in the eighth question
about the repression that this has been somewhat of an ideological character while recalling the case of police harassment that ended with the arrest of two members in 2010, but also tells us a most important event if it fits in As may explain the discomfort of the Ministry of Interior: Column is the slogan that no shops open on May what has brought them into conflict with some dealers but claimed by the character of struggle has this journey and sink the roots of this identity in the execution in 1886 of workers in Chicago in connection with claims for eight hours.
Esta justificación es un buen ejemplo de las argumentaciones de Craig Calhoun cuando afirma que el enfrentamiento que tienen los movimientos sociales con el Estado y los actos de “coraje desmesurado” se explican mal ateniendo a las teorías de la “elección racional” pues los riesgos serian muchas veces mayores a los resultados esperados, hay que enmarcarlos entonces en el hecho de que estas acciones se tratan sobre todo de “luchas por la significación” donde se trata de defender una identidad, por una parte, digna de ser vivida en el contexto del movimiento pero también de hacerla aceptable o normalizarla para el conjunto de la sociedad (14) . Es decir, la pelea a la que hace Juan reference but is linked to struggles for material gains is also, and significantly, in a speech that gives coherence and represents an alternative corporate identity and also for those involved in it.
The ninth and final question is an extension of the approach of the sixth but this time in relation to the vision we have of the column in other places, in this case in the English State. Indeed, news of this initiative have appeared on several websites libertarian (15) . Because Column practice, as we have seen in the responses, the horizontal and self-management (Inspiration libertarian values \u200b\u200bwhile not strictly political initiative) asked John if it resembles other similar experiences, namely the Federation of Base (FOB) in Argentina which has been called "social anarchism" for these reasons. (16)
Juan's answer to this question is so obvious, but notes the existence of ideological diversity within the column that naturally leads to political discussions, it does a specific ideological approach naturally to an initiative of this kind, to ultimately move social. Yet that is no reason to ignore the influence of anarchist ideas within the same by the participation of libertarian activists in various entities such as universities in the Cerro la Teja, unions, social organizations etc., Involved in Column . Political tradition on the other hand has a strong influence on these two historic neighborhoods such as chronic rather remind us of the veteran activist Juan Carlos Mechoso.
Conclusions: Without hope these statements can be interpreted as a demagogic or loaded with anti-intellectualism, I must say that there has been a very pleasant experience trying to relate the structure motivations and objectives of an initiative such as Cerro-tile column with some of the theories of social movements that seem, in light of this example, full of prejudices rather than class, as Marx would say, perhaps from the relative autonomy academic fields that are generated, as would Bourdieu. To begin with, although not directly related to this criticism, the notion of "home" for Giddens seems a bit static when compared to the need raised by the British geographer Doreen Massey to overcome "essential opposition" between "space" more general and fluid, and the "place" as more direct and fixed. This is important in processes called "re-territorialization", ie to give new meanings significant fixed territorial fluids. A good example is what John tells us that the activities of the column while articulated around its original name "Hill-Teja has exceeded its spatial framework integrating participants from other areas.
But back to the main criticism although I agree with the interpretations of Mario Diani on the need for networks of pre-existing relationship as possible to reclaim the interest in history (in this case the hand of Mechoso and his biographers) certainly abandoned by the current "fashion" of social science, as would James Petras, are based on the fetishism of being "post" something, and those of Gerlach on the complex articulation of unity and diversity social movements that perhaps the new conditions it has imposed have strengthened capitalism but were always present, I can not share at all the general statements of Doug McAdam (or at least exposure of Manuel Pérez Ledesma of his ideas) about "political opportunities" especially because they do not consider the danger of cooptation of these movements in their scheme.
But with the position I disagree with this view is most widespread of the centrality of the middle and the "intellectual class" could be said that there is much evidence to support what we reject and question For my part, truly visceral anti-intellectualism in which nestles some danger "polpotista" to call it that. In my defense I must say that I believe I am minimally aware of the dangers of the positions of dogmatic anti-intellectualism within the left more or less radical or moderate, that ultimately it is the school of thought that the influence of underlying interest in the study of these movements especially in Latin America and Europe perhaps more than in the U.S., but I think it is unfair to ignore the myriad social leaders come out of pure self-taught in many social movements both in the past (the "Wobblies" and American and Latino syndicalists) and present (piqueteros leaders, neighborhood groups and unions whose expulsion from the higher education system for their entry barriers has not prevented them acquire the necessary skills to carry out the struggles of today.)
This centrality of the self-taught concepts has even led to the establishment in several sites by the same movements of experiences of "Adult Education" that serve as collective learning experiences. In Uruguay could include, for example, the attempt by social activists and libertarian activists to rebuild the International Centre of Social Studies "anarchist Montevideo historic cultural institution of the early twentieth century promoter of self-education (http://proyecto-cies . blogspot.com /).
Alma Stateless
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(2) NAHUM, BENJAMIN Uruguay History Manual Volume I 1830-1903 Ediciones de la Banda Oriental 2007. Pages 83-87.
(3) DIANI, MARIO Networks Movements: A Perspective Analysis in IBARRA, PEDRO and TEJERINA, BENJAMIN Social Movements. Political transformations and Change Cultural. page 248-249.
(4) JUNG, Maria Eugenia Rodriguez, Juan Carlos Mechoso Universindo: Anarchist Editorial Trilce Collection "Misfits", July 2006. Page 30.
(5) PÉREZ LEDESMA, MANUEL When the days get anger (Social Movements, Theory and History) International Letter, No. 34 (Fall 1994). Page 91.
(6) PÉREZ LEDESMA, MANUEL OP. CIT. page 95-96.
(7) Mechoso, JUAN C. Anarchist Direct Action: A History of FAU Volume III: The Early Years Cuts Editorial, Montevideo 2005. Pages 73-78. (8) Stolovich, LUIS, RODRIGUEZ, JUAN MANUEL and Bertola, LUIS Economic Power in the current Uruguay. Centro Uruguay Independiente (CUI), Series "The Power" 1 January 1988. Page 142.
(9) Stolovich, LUIS Economic Power "Political Power? Reflections controversy in relation to the ruling class and the power block in the current Uruguay Uruguay Independent Center (CUI), Series "The Power", 2 May 1989. Page 40.
(10) Mechoso, JUAN C. OP. CIT . Page 82.
(11) PÉREZ LEDESMA, MANUEL OP. CIT. Page 102.
(12) Melucci, Alberto Take a compromise: identity and mobilization in social movements International Letter, No. 34 (Fall 1994). Page 169.
(13) McAdam, Doug, McCarthy, John D.; Zald, Mayer N. Social Movements: Comparative Perspectives. Political opportunities, mobilizing structures and cultural interpretations Marcos Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pages 36-37.
(14) CALHOUN, CRAIG The problem of identity in collective action Auyero, JAVIER Toolbox: The role of culture in American sociology University Nacional de Quilmes. Pages 77-78.
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/14286 http://www.red-libertaria.net/noticias/modules.php?name=News&file=article & sid = 1860 (16) To read an interview with this organization in Argentina that made a English state libertarian web http://www.alasbarricadas.org/noticias/?q=node/16049
